Since Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago’s independence in 1962; thirteen former British colonies gained independence – culminating with the independence of St. Kitts and Nevis in 1983. The remaining colonies had their status changed over the years from colonies to British Overseas Territories. Changes in political status, however, did not remove the dependency syndrome in many areas. Here are some examples.
The parliamentary model of Governance consists of political parties, with mostly defined ideologies or perspectives, vying for the public’s affirmation at the polls, singly or a combination of parties. The strength of this pattern of governance is that the well-defined ideologies give the populace information necessary for making educated decision-making. Also, with a governing party – legislation can be effective and timely done.
In the English-Speaking Caribbean, where the parliamentary model is followed, there are limits to the effectiveness of this model. Firstly, from the formation of political parties in the 1950s, political campaigns and the loyalty of their following, have led to divided communities with entrenched tribal loyalties. Furthermore, because of this loyalty, the collective human resource necessary for national development is compromised or squandered. It is not surprising, therefore, that there are no strategic plans emerging from all stakeholders (private and public) which demand a national commitment. With no National Strategic Plan, the Caribbean has become the nursery for external forces to control business, industry and tourism. Our past has handicapped us to accept, uncritically, the parliamentary system handed down to us. We have become almost intellectually barren and emotionally fragile in creating a system which suits our peculiar circumstances as small developing states. We have lost faith in ourselves.
Secondly, the dependency syndrome is seen in our attitude towards jurisprudence. For most, if not all the former British colonies, the final court of appeal was the Privy Council in England. In 2005, four independent CARICOM countries, Barbados, Belize, Dominica and Guyana, severed their relationship with the Privy Council and made the CCJ their final court of appeal. For them, it was a compromise of their sovereignty to retain the Privy Council, a colonial court, as their final court of appeal. It was also the contention that the Privy Council ‘lacked the understanding of Caribbean dynamics and culture.’
On the other hand, the Caribbean nations which have not yet accepted the CCJ as the final court of appeal, fear that there would be a ‘lack of political independence.’ And it is contended by some that the quality of the Judges in the region could not match the ‘high quality’ of judges from the Privy Council. This last contention does not deserve an exhaustive rely. It is well documented that for a small region, Caribbean jurists have demonstrated scholarship and temperament with distinction which is equal to, and has often surpassed, that of the colonial master.
Bob Marley, through poetry and song, gave the best response to those who are wedded to the models from the Colonial past:
Emancipate yourselves form mental slavery, None but ourselves can free our minds.
